Chapter One

Introduction

1. 1. Background of Study

One of the fundamental challenges confronting women in every political system centers on the pervasive phenomenon of political alienation and domination of women by their male counterpart. From the local to global level, women’s leadership and political participation are restricted. Women are underrepresented as voters, as well as in leading positions whether in elected offices, the civil service, the private sector or academician. This occurs despite their proven abilities as leaders and agents of change and their right to participate equally in democratic governance. Women face several obstacles to participating in political life. Structural barriers through discriminatory laws and institutions still limit women’s options to run for offices. Over the years, the debilitating condition of gender inequality and discrimination against women in political participation and representation has given rise to the agitation for empowerment to enable an increase in their levels of political participation all over the world. In this regard, empowerment implies the creation of an enabling environment where individuals can fully use their capabilities to take charge of their lives. Women empowerment therefore, means investing in women’s right with legal backing, moral and financial support to enable women function effectively. Women empowerment also involves assessment of women’s needs and designing programmes to address those needs.

The increasing agitations for gender equality have raised intense academic discourse on poor participation of women in politics all over the world (Peterson & Ruyan, 1999: 48 & Akinboye, 2004:233). Women’s low political participation is a universal phenomenon (Waylen, 1996:11; Akinboye, op.cit:233; Lewu, 2005:62 &Rai, 2005). However the imperative of women participation in democratic governance cannot be over emphasized (Amadiume, 1997:81; Bruce, 2004:113; Babatunde, 2003; Bari, 2005). Sustainable democracy relies upon the equality and complementary participation of men and women in the conduct of the affairs of society through political processes (Sodaro, 2001:247, Anifowose, 2004:205; Akiyode-Afolabi&Arogundade, 2003). However, despite widespread democratization in most countries, women record poor participation in politics and decision making process across the world (Waylen, op.cit:10; Pokam, 2006; Henderson, 2006; Pascaud-Becane, 1999; Babatunde, op.cit; Anifowose, op.cit:204 & Bari, op.cit).

In Nigeria, although women constitute half the national population, the average representation of women in national politics has hardly ever been more than 3% (Ajayi, 2007:138; IPU, 2007; Nigeria CEDAW NGO Coalition Shadow Report, 2008). The challenge of women’s participation in Nigeria’s politics became worrisome following the country’s return to democracy in 1999. With the transfer of power from the military regime to a civilian democratic administration, one had expected a substantial improvement in women’s political participation in the country. On the contrary, the percentage increase in women’s political participation were 2%, 4% and 6%  and women representation in the national parliament, 6.3%, 8.8% and 7.3% in 1999, 2003 and 2007 elections respectively (Okocha, 2007; Akioyede-Afolabietal, 2003; The Nigeria CEDAW NGO Coalition Shadow Report, op.cit:3 & Adu, 2008:27). It is obvious therefore, that the perception that democracy would automatically boost women’s political involvement in Nigeria has not been validated after several years of its return to civilian rule.

            The foregoing indicated that alongside men’s political association in most parts of Nigeria, particularly in Igbo society, like in Enugu State, women also had their own well organized political groups which were solely managed by women leaders in various communities. For instance, in Enugu State, the Umuada at the community and village levels had appreciable political and economic influence through established associations that are well managed and solely run by them. “Their powers and influence go beyond issues that affect trade to issues of governance at the state level. Igbo women’s movement and some others in Southern Nigeria have struggled to maintain some respectable level of power and influence in their communities” (Garba, 1999:2).Women can be described as an indispensable group in the development of any nation. Women constitute a critical segment of the Nigerian population. Thus, “the population of women in the present day is estimated to over 55% of the total population of this country,” (Yahaya, 1999:132). Apart from their numerical strength, women have great potentials necessary to evolve a new economic order, to accelerate social and political development and constantly transforming the society into a better one.

Women are active in the agriculture and economic sectors of the society and have also contributed immensely to the decolonization and general development of Nigerian state. Olawoye (1985:18), describes Nigerian women “as a crucial factor of production”. According to him, women assume this status because they are largely responsible for the bulk production of crops, agro-base food processing, preservation of crops and distribution of yields from farm centers to urban areas”. Awe (1990:9), perceived the importance of women from their role as managers of home. She noted that “the peace and stability at homes depends largely on the managerial abilities of women folk. She stressed further that women, especially the mothers, plan, organize, direct and coordinated all the resources of the home both human and materials to the benefits of all the members of the family including their husbands”. Some of them occupy strategic positions in the governments where they have continued to prove their good character. For instance, “Dora Akunyili, Oby Ezekwesili of Due process fame, NdiOkereke Onyiuke, Ngozi OkonjoIwuala and Ambassador (Mrs.) Justina Eze, among others have undoubtedly distinguished themselves in their official assignments” (Okafor, 2010:9).